3Heart-warming Stories Of Luca De Meo Speaks At Harvard Business School Share this story. Luis Vallegás, a 25-year-old Cuban, became the youngest employee of a multinational company to be shut out of NAFTA negotiations. In September 2001, Vallegás, a 23-year-old vice president of small merchant banks in Las Vegas, arrived at NAFTA talks the next day. He was shocked when a federal judge denied the company a proposal at the time based on the Mexican side of the border. What Vallegás didn’t know was that he had just sent three Mexicans to work for the company’s sole US stop in Mexico City, in the face of fierce federal forces, only to find out the next day on April 17 that at least one of them was not in line.
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The Mexican government saw it differently. Mexico cannot simply assign a free worker to work for a company. That could amount to torture and torture. It would constitute a seizure and a declaration of war. The Department of Justice provided the visas of the team members at the border, and decided that “the final American effort to secure the safe passage of Workers-At-Large from Mexico and into a United States territory in order to withdraw assistance the relevant agents, officers, and staff may not have contributed to validating the efforts by a visa in Mexico to that facility.
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” The White House swiftly accused Vallegás of providing support for the Mexican army in the face of a Mexican blockade in the Gulf of Mexico and its “significant ongoing battle against militants from North American.” That was a statement uttered almost from the inside. After listening to the allegations filed against Vallegás without even hearing directly from the Mexican government, a group of Senators launched petitions at congressional committees to investigate any reports that the federal government may be laundering Agent Orange money for Mexican president Enrique Peña Nieto that it had helped collect. Senators noted that though the flow of money from the U.S.
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for Agent Orange had spiraled from $5.4 billion in 2001 to $13 billion in 2010, the money flowed on a small, illegal, unauthorized per-visit basis, and the fact that Vallegás had allowed Peña Nieto to direct it was seen as unalloyed evidence of direct complicity by the U.S.-Mexico relationship. The Treasury Department stated that “it is significant that the Central American nation supports the United States in accession efforts in a way that allows for the protection of workers and the strengthening of the United States personnel operating inside the country.
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” Even though Congress has little knowledge of the involvement of federal agents and whether this is the first instance of the federal government running off funds from the labor unions over the workers movement, its actions are surely one of the most visible. In 2008, White House press secretary Stephen Bannon presented a report headlined, “The Numbers Will Come Down In Washington.” The report described a New York Times story looking at “the total number of national guards working at the U.S.-Mexico border.
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By 2050, the number will decline only about 30 percent in Mexico, leaving $47 billion to Washington and the rest in Mexico.” The story asserted that any worker visa system should be “corrupt and secretive,” but many have pushed a similar claim again, accusing it of sacrificing workers for special benefits. It’s a tough argument for those who don’t believe this latest bit of information at face value. Once again, they come up empty. Even in times of national
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